The best way to
understand the craft of the ancient scribe and the circumstances which resulted in
differences in detail from one manuscript to the next is to work directly from
high resolution photographs of the manuscripts themselves. Much can only be
learned from studying the manuscripts as opposed to a modern print edition
based on them. A quiet joy awaits those who read an ancient text as it was
transmitted in antiquity.
It is splendid that it
is now possible to read the Aleppo Codex online.
The
Dead Sea Scrolls Electronic Reference Library is a glorious achievement,
though I wish it were possible to upload an image for discussion in a post
without violating copyright. A. M. Ceriani’s Translatio Syro Pescitto
Veteris Testamenti ex codice Ambrosiano (Milan: Angeli della Croce,
1876-1881) is available online. So
is Constantine von Tischendorf’s Bibliorum Codex Sinaiticus Petropolitanus
(Leipzig: Giesecke & Devrient, 1862) (go here). Besides Codex
Ambrosianus 7a1 for the Peshitta and Codex Sinaiticus for the Septuagint, it
would make things much easier if high resolution photographs of Codex
Leningradensis for MT were available online, of Codex Alexandrinus and
Vaticanus for the Septuagint, and of Codex Amiatinus for the Vulgate. The
Aleppo Codex site is pioneering in this respect, and might serve as a model for
other biblical codex sites.
The realization of
high-quality electronic publications is expensive. Speaking as a student of
antiquity, I don’t care who is elected President, so long as she or he
initiates an “Ashurbanipal Project” that would finance and coordinate the
electronic publication of ancient texts.
High resolution
photographs of Hebrew Ben Sira are not available online, with the exception of
an image
of the top right hand corner of a page from ms. B made available thanks to the
good offices of the University
of Cambrige Taylor-Schechter Genizah Research Unit. The image is not the
best – the lighting is insufficient – but even so, it is a window into the
world of the Hebrew text. If you click on the link and take a look at the text,
a number of things will catch your eye:
(1) The parchment is lined with the tip of a sharp object
(the lines are white). Letters were placed in a row a short distance below the
lines.
(2) The words sometimes run together, with little or no
spacing between them.
(3) The text is arranged stichographically. This is not as
obvious as it might be, because the image reproduces a sequence of “a” stichoi,
the “b” stichoi are beyond the range of the image. The manuscript’s layout is
such that the poetic structure of the text is respected. For an image of the
whole page, go here.
(4) The text contains alternative readings in the margin.
Here is the text in the image, Ben Sira 39:29-30 according to ms. B. The
left hand continuation of the same page is added in on the basis of the image
of the whole page and discussions in the secondary literature; a translation
follows:
אשוברדרעודבר גם אלה למשפט נ[בראו]
חית שן עקרבופתן וחרב ֯נקמות ֯להח֯רים [רשעים]
כ֯ל אלה לצורכם נברא֯ו והמה
באוצר֯ ולעת יפקדו
Left margin of middle line: חר[ב
נו]קמת, לה[חריב], and פט
Right margin of last line: גמ
and נבחרו
Left margin of last line: בא[וצ]רו
לעת
Fire and hail, misfortune and pestilence,
these too
were created for judgment,
fanged beast, scorpion and viper,
and the
sword of vengeance, to exterminate the wicked.
All these were created for a purpose*
and they
are in repository, and for a time they are appointed.
*lit. for their (intended) purpose
Left margin of middle line: avenging
sword, to desolate, and the firstb [?]
Right margin of last line: also and are selected
Left margin of last line: in his repository; for a time]
Ben Sira 39:29-30
The long ו
in נבחרו visible in the image
is noteworthy. It is not expected – though not impossible to do, technically –
for unusual letter shapes to be reproduced in transcription. But it’s helpful
to note the occurrence of letter shapes that might lead to mistakes. In this
case, the waw looks a lot like a nun sofit.
Ben Sira 39:29-30 is a
garden of text critical delights. Here is the text as it appears in Codex
Sinaiticus online,
its stichographic presentation respected, the capital letters reduced and accents
and spaces added between words according to convention:
πῦρ καὶ χάλαζα καὶ λειμὸς καὶ θάνατος
πάντα ταῦτα εἰς ἐκδίκησιν ἔκτισται
θηρίων ὀδόντες καὶ σκορπίοι καὶ ἔχις
καὶ ῥομφαία ἐκδικοῦσα εἰς ὄλεθρον ἀσεβεῖς[1]
Here is a retroversion
into Hebrew:
אש וברד ורעב ודבר
כל אלה לנקמה נבראו
חית שן ועקרב
ופתן
וחרב נוקמת להחרים רשעים
Text which differs from
the Hebrew of ms. B as reconstructed above is highlighted in blue. The
heuristic value of retroversion as a means to understanding the text-critical
value of a translation is uncontested, but how can we be sure that Hebrew
variants which never existed are not manufactured in the process?
We cannot be sure. Even
so, statements of a probabilistic nature on a case-by-case basis are not only
possible, but are in need of formulation if text-criticism is a discipline like
any other that formulates hypotheses based on all the available evidence. For
example:
(1) The
supposition that λιμὸς (spelling now normalized) καὶ θάνατος reflects רעב ודבר is based on the observation that λιμὸς and θάνατος often
reflect רעב and דבר respectively in translation
elsewhere. רעב fits better than רע amid the specific evils of the list.
The omission of ב before ו
could be an aural error (conflation of two bilabials), or due to a scribal
lapse in copying.
(2) Familiarity with
texts in Hebrew as attested in Qumran and
medieval sources suggests that the conjunction ו was not
uncommonly added into originally asyndetic constructions in the course of
transmission. We cannot be sure that the translator of Ben Sira into Greek read
a ו before
רעב and עקרב in
his Vorlage, but we can say that it would not be surprising if he did, and that
the asyndetic constructions attested in ms. B are probably original.
(3) The best
way to approach גם vs. כל
in 39:29, as often, is to pose the “what if?” question both ways. What if גם is original and כל is
secondary? What would account for the change? In my view, כל amounts
to a syntactical simplification. גם
requires a reading of the text which extends back to 39:28. The paired – and
original – occurrences ofכל אלה in 39:27 and 30 are part of a larger
structure which extends back to 39:26; a כל אלה in stich “b” of 39:29 is out of line,
literally, with respect to the paired occurrences just mentioned. Note the
color-coded textual components (the following is an eclectic text based on an
analysis of all witnesses):
39:26-27
[ראש כל צרך ]ל[חיי] אדם מים ואש וברזל ומלח
[חלב חטים ח]לב ודבש דם ענב יצהר ובגד
כל [אלה לטוב]ים ייטיבו כן
לרעים לרעה נהפכו
39:28
[יש רוחות לנקמה נו]צרוו [ובאפם הר]ים יעתיקו
[ובעת כלה חילם ישפכו ורוח עושי]הם יניחו
39:29-30
אש וברד רעב ודבר גם אלה למשפט נ[בר]או
חית שן עקרב ופתן וחרב נקמות להחרים ר]ש]עים
כל אלה לצורכם נבחרו והמה באוצרו לעת יפקדו
כל אלה in 39:29
instead of גם אלה requires
a reading of the text that does not extend beyond the line in which it occurs.
That makes it the easier, and less likely reading.
But let’s assume, since it’s important to play the argument both ways, that
כל is original
and גם is
secondary in 39:29. What would account for the change? Ifגם אלה לצורכם נבראו represents the
original continuation of the text two lines down in 39:30, one might suggest
that the change to גם in 39:29 anticipates its
occurrence in 39:30.
But it seems more likely that כל אלה לצורכם נבחרו is
original to 39:30, in vertical parallelism with כל אלה לטובים ייטיבו in 39:27. In both 39:26-27 and 29-30, a
list of items is picked up by a fronted anaphoric כל אלה clause in which the items’ function is
clarified. If this is the case, גם
is original and כל is secondary in 39:29, and the
reverse is true in 39:30.
(4) The best way to
approach חרב נקמות vs. חרב נוקמת (the probable marginal reading in B based on the
reconstructed Vorlage of G) is in the same way. What if חרב נקמות
is original and חרב נוקמת secondary? What would account for the change? That’s easy: חרב נוקמת is an existing biblical phrase (Lev 26:25),
to which the diction of Ben Sira would have been assimilated. חרב נקמות, on the other hand, follows a known
pattern, but is not attested. It is not clear why an original חרב נוקמת would be changed to חרב נקמות. It
seems likely, it should be noted, that from the very beginning (early second
century bce) נקמות would have been spelled with a ו
to mark the feminine plural. חרב נקמות is more probably the original
reading.
(5) When extant Hebrew Ben Sira
contains lacunae, it is sometimes possible to restore it with a degree of
certainty. In 39:29, נ[בר]או is restored on the basis of ἔκτισται and ܐܬ݂ܒܖ݁ܝ. (The relevant page of Codex Ambrosianus 7a1 is here.)
The Greek verb is the translation of choice for ברא in Ben Sira: 16:26; 38:4; 39:28; 39:29 (ex hypothesi); 40:10;
exceptions: 5:14 (ἐστὶν); and 15:14 (ἐποίησεν). The cognate Syriac verb renders ברא without exception: 3:16; 5:14; 15:14; 16:26; 34:13; 38:4; 39:28; 39:29 (ex
hypothesi); 43:14. In 39:30, ר[ש]עים – others read differently[2] - is restored on the basis of ἀσεβεῖς and ܖ̈ܫܝܥܐ.
Elsewhere, τοῖς ἀσεβέσιν translates לרשעים whereas ἁμαρτωλοὺς translates
רעים in 12:6; cf.
also 41:5, 7; note that רע
is never translated by ασεβ- in Ben Sira. The Syriac cognate of רשעים at
this point suggests that its Vorlage also read רשעים. The retroversion proposed by Segal and
Vattioni - רעים - is not
well-founded. The retroversion proposed here - רשעים - was already suggested by
Barthélemy-Rickenbacher
(ad רשעים).
(6) It is likely that the Vorlage of the Greek read לנקמה,
not למשפט, given that in Ben Sira κριν- nouns and verbs consistently
translate משפט and שפט , and εκδικ- nouns and verbs, נקם
(verb and noun) and נקמה. But לנקמה is
probably secondary, an assimilation to נקמה two lines up in a
similar construction.
(7) Both M and B attest to two lines, not one, in 39:30. Greek and Syriac
Ben Sira lack an equivalent altogether. There are many examples in Ben Sira in
which the versions based on Hebrew Vorlagen are shorter by a line or more, and
the text in question does not appear to be a redactional plus. Agreements
between the Greek and Syriac in this respect, or lack thereof, deserve a
careful synoptic study.
(8) נבחרו vs. נבראו in the second line of 39:30: נבראו appears to be an assimilation to context –
the נבראו of two lines
up - cf. (6). Given the widespread reduction of ח to not much more than a placeholder for a vowel, like א, aural confusion could have been a
concomitant factor in the posited change from נבחרו to נבראו.
This post may seem long, but I have actually skipped over details of
text-critical interest for the sake of brevity. My most important
methodological point is the following: it really isn’t possible to do serious
text-critical work without examining high-resolution photographs of the
relevant manuscripts. I thank Jeremy Corley for helpful comments. Remaining
errors are my responsibility alone.
References
Dominique Barthélemy and Otto Rickenbacher, Konkordanz zum Hebräischen Sirach mit syrisch-hebräischem Index (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1973); Pancratius C. Beentjes, The Book of Ben Sira in Hebrew (VTSup 68; Leiden: Brill; Atlanta: SBL, 2006); Jan Liesen, Full of Praise: An Exegetical Study of Sir 39,12-35 (JSJSup 64; Leiden: Brill, 2000 [not available to me]); Solomon Schechter, “A Fragment of the Original Text of Ecclesiasticus (39:15-40:7),” Expositor 4 (5th series, 1896) 1-15; Solomon Schechter, Charles Taylor, and Arthur Ernest Cowley, The Wisdom of Ben Sira: Portions of the Book Ecclesiasticus from Hebrew Manuscripts in the Cairo Geniza Collection Presented to the University of Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1899); Moshe Z. Segal, ספר בן סירא השלם (1st ed.; Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 1953; the latest edition, 1997, was not available to me); Francesco Vattioni, Ecclesiastico: Testo ebraico con apparato critico e versioni greca, latina e siriaca (Testi 9; Napoli: Istituto Orientale Napoli, 1968); Yigael Yadin, מגלת בן סירא ממצדה, ErIsr 8 (1965) 1-45 [= 19651]; idem, The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and the Shrine of the Book, 1965) [= 19652]; Joseph Ziegler, Sapientia Iesu Filii Sirach (2nd ed.; Septuaginta 12/2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980).
For a printer-friendly version of this post, go here.
[1] Corrected Sinaiticus has ἐκδιωκοῦσα; the addition of the ω assimilates the
text to 30:19, as Ziegler notes, and is an inner-Greek corruption.
[2] Against the judgment of Vattioni, and
Barthélemy-Rickenbacher, Beentjes reads [ ]בם in M at this point. I
was not able to control Yadin 19651 and 19652 for this
post. The importance of having high resolution photographs to work with and
access to original photographs and/or facsimiles is illustrated by the
disagreement.
I have spent quite a bit of time in the last eight months in digital images of NT Greek manuscripts. It is great for giving someone perspective on what variants and scribal practices were really like. Variants, critical texts, scribal errors and whatnot are all so much less nebulous ideas when you see these things for yourself in different manuscripts. We just need more digitized manuscripts!
Posted by: Eric Sowell | January 23, 2008 at 07:14 AM
Thanks, Eric. You make the point very well.
Posted by: JohnFH | January 23, 2008 at 08:40 AM